An Analysis of Official Sources of Data (Draft)
1. Introduction
hild labour is a concrete manifestation of violations of a range of rights of
children and is recognised as a serious and enormously complex social
problem in India. Working children are denied their right to survival and
development, education, leisure and play, and adequate standard of living,
opportunity for developing personality, talents, mental and physical abilities,
and protection from abuse and neglect. Notwithstanding the increase in the
enrolment of children in elementary schools and increase in literacy rates since
1980s, child labour continues to be a significant phenomenon in India.
Irrespective of what is shown in the official statistics, we say that the
phenomenon of child labour is significant because, the Child Labour (Prohibition
and Regulation) Act, 1986 is a legislation to address hazardous industrial child
labour in a limited way as the purview of the Act covers only the organized
sectors of production. As it is inbuilt in the law, this Act has excluded a vast
section of toiling children in the unorganized sectors, as over 90 percent of the
labour force in India is accounted for by the unorganised sectors of production.
The political weight behind the initiatives towards government legal
intervention has been very dissimilar across states of India. Generally under the
era of globalization and liberalization policies, the underlying attitude of the
government is not to strictly impose labour laws that will disturb the production
process. With regard to other forms of intervention, the flag ship programme of
the Government of India is the National Child Labour Project (NCLP). The NCLP
Scheme started in 1988, has so far covered 400,200 working children. About 3.08 lakh
children have been mainstreamed into formal education system so far. The Scheme is
running in 250 districts in 14 states. Even after discounting for the inherent problems in
the NCLP scheme the coverage is very low compared to the magnitude of the problem
(12 million according to 2001 population census) even by the official statistics. In fact the
magnitude of child labour has increased in absolute terms by about one million between
1991 and 2001.
This paper is a modest attempt in critically look at the official sources of
information on the magnitude of child labour in India. The analysis is presented
in the background of the present socio economic context in India which has
direct impact on the lives of children, and in turn the magnitude of child labour.
C2. Background
Indian economy is booming at a record 8-9% GDP growth for the fourth
successive year but the tottering Indian agriculture where 60 percent of the
workforce depends is struggling to achieve even an average 2% annual growth!
The average annual growth rate of food grains production in the country during
the last 13 years (from 1994-05 to 2006-07) works out to a meager 1.49 per cent.
The growth rate of non-food grains is 1.46 per cent per annum in this period.
There is no need to stress the implication of the fact that this is lesser than the
growth rate of the population. Interestingly, this entire period is, by strange
coincidence, supposed to be the greatest and unprecedented boom period for the
overall economy and the total GDP of the country. But the agrarian sector is
facing a crisis that led to suicides of many farmers in the country. This crisis is
affecting most of the rural poor. Studies in Andhra Pradesh show that the
families of suicide victims are withdrawing their children from schools and
putting them to work
1
.
It is often said by leading economists in India that the most significant failure of
post-independence Indian economic development is that the proportion of the
workforce dependent on agriculture has declined much less than expected. India
as a whole the share of labour force engaged in agriculture still remains at
around 60 percent compared to 70 percent during 1951. Over the years the
contribution of agriculture and allied activities to the national income has been
steadily falling, currently to a level of about 20 percent (Abhijit Sen, 2002). This
trend has been differently impacting on the labour and livelihoods of people
living in rural areas. The changes are also influenced by the development and
growth of non-farm economy and social development policy regime (in terms of
education, infrastructure, industrial policies and so on). While there is a
deceleration in the growth of employment in India, an analysis of NSSO data
with regard to changes in rural casual labourers, wages and poverty between
1983 to 2000 (Sheila Bhalla et al 2005) shows that in Rural India, casual labourers
have been identified as the largest occupational group characterized by chronic
poverty. This casual labour workforce is growing both in terms of absolute
numbers and in terms of its share in the rural workforce. It is also found that one
of the most important features of this large casual labour workforce is that
substantial subsets of its members do more than one kind of work (pp.143). As
1
Vidyasagar. R. and Suman Chandra. K., 2003, Farmers Suicide in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka,
National Institute of Rural Development, Hyderabad and Dheeraja, 2007, A study on coping mechanism for
the families of suicide victims in Anantapur district” NIRD, Hyderabad. per the NSS data, during 1990s, the reform period the share of agricultural
labourers in officially defined total rural poor increased from 41 to 47 per cent
and almost every aspect of their well-being was seriously dented (Praveen Jha,
2007)
According to Pravenn Jha, the more disturbing development is a considerable
weakening of school attendance of children from agricultural labour households.
The proportion of children from such households attending school in 1987-88, at
the all-India level, was just over 30 per cent but it saw a very substantial jump of
over 22 per cent points to reach 52.9 per cent in 1993-94. But, the rate of progress
decelerated dramatically as in 1999-00 only 59.8 per cent children attended
school. As the table shows the all India picture holds true for most states, and the
worst performing ones are the so called BIMARU states. It may not be
unwarranted to suggest that growing economic vulnerability of agricultural
labour households is part of the explanation for the observed deceleration in the
expansion of school attendance
2
. Despite definitional problem, Census data
shows an increasing trend in the magnitude of child labour in most of the major
states in India.
The above socio-economic context in India provides the backdrop for critically
looking at the official data on the magnitude of child labour in the country.
3. Child Population in India
As per 2001 Population Census, children in the age group of 0-14 constituted
about 360 million and accounted for 35.3 percent of total population. Children in
the 5-14 age group constituted about 251 million and accounted for 24.6 percent
of the population. Though there is an increase in the absolute number of
children, the proportion of children in the total population is declining between
1991 and 2001. By Census of India projections, the proportion of children (0 to 14)
has further come down to 32.1 percent during 2006. Elementary school age
children (5 to 14) in the total population constituted 241.7 million accounting for
21.7 percent of the total population (Table 1). The reduction in the proportion of
children is attributed to drastic reduction in the Total Fertility Rate (TFR) in
many of the major states, especially in Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu,
Maharashtra and Gujarat. On the other hand TFR remains high in some of the
major states like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. Thus the
segment of child population varies across states depending on the TFR. It is seen
2
Praveen Jha, Keynote paper on the theme “Agrarian Crisis and Rural Labour” Some Aspects of
the Well-Being of India’s Agricultural Labour in the Context of Contemporary Agrarian Crisis that the Proportion of children in the population has implications for the
incidence of child labour. Number of empirical studies on child labour has
associated large family size with high incidence of child labour (VVGNLI, 1999)
3
.
The demographic approach to child work has provoked a lively debate on the
causal relationship between high fertility and the utility of children for the rural
household4
. Fertility behaviour is also related to various social and cultural
factors. The results of these debates have so far been inconclusive. In India for
example, the States that have experienced rapid decline in TFR have witnessed
decline in the intensity of child labour. In contrast to this the states in Northern
India where the trends in fertility decline have been rather slow the incidence of
child labour has in fact increased between 1991 and 2001. Within India, Kerala
State, where the fertility rate is lowest, has achieved highest literacy rates in the
country and the incidence of child labour is negligible. Thus, the changes in the
demographic structure in many states provide a positive ground towards
elimination of child labour.
Table 1 Percentage of children in total population
Age group 1991 2001 2006*
0-4 12.0 10.7 10.4
5-9 13.2 12.5 10.7
10-14 11.9 12.1 11.0
5 to 14 25.1 24.6 21.7
0-14 37.2 35.3 32.1
Note: 1991 Population Census figures excluded J & K State and for
comparative purposes we have excluded figures for J & K for 2001 Source:
Population Census 1991 and 2001 and Population Projections, Based on
2001Census of India,(2006) including J & K
4. ‘Child labour’- as defined in official statistics
The decennial Census and the National Sample Survey are the two major official
sources of data on child employment. However these two sources have no
specific definition on child labour. The figures for ‘child labour’ are derived from
3
VV Giri National Labour Institute, 2000, “Child Labour in Home Based Industries in the Wake
of Legislation” (reports of Child Labour in nine different hazardous industries in India).
4
For example Vlassoff Michael, 1991 and Dyson Tim, 1997. The debate on linkage between
fertility behaviour and child labour is summarised in Grootaert and Kanbur, 1995. Christian
GROOTAERT and Ravi KANBUR, “CHILD LABOUR: AN ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE”,
International Labour Review, Vol.134, 1995, No.2 using age-wise distribution of workers. Workers are defined as “those who
engage in economic activities”; and ‘economic activity’ is defined as “any activity
resulting in production of goods and services that add value to national
product”. The major exclusions are ‘own account’ processing of primary
products. Similarly, activities relating to the production of primary goods for
‘own consumption’ are restricted to only the agriculture sector and do not
include mining and quarrying activities. Further, “activities like prostitution,
begging, smuggling etc., which though fetched earnings, are, by convention, not
considered as economic activities”
5
. Work has been defined in the Census 2001 as
‘participation in any economically productive activity with or without
compensation, wages or profit.’ Such participation could be physical and/or
mental in nature. This work includes supervisory work as well as direct
participation in the work. All persons engaged in ‘work’ as defined in the Census
are considered workers. Main workers are defined as those who have worked for
the major part of the reference period, which is 6 months or more. And marginal
workers are those who have not worked for the major part of the reference
period. All those workers who are not cultivators or agricultural labourers or
engaged in household industry are categorized as ‘Other Workers’.
Thus, working children are counted as workers only if they contribute towards
the national product based on economic accounting model. This definition of
labour is narrow, as it is modeled in respect to monetary contribution to national
product, so far as analysis of child labour is concerned. This may not include all
work related activities performed by children that hinder their protection and
development as defined in CRC. This approach of the official sources view child
labour only as an economic entity and what is missing is a right based approach.
Child labour is not just an economic issue but an issue of human rights. The
following section discusses the magnitude of child labour as presented by the
official sources followed by a discussion on the real magnitude.
5. Magnitude of Child Labour in India:
According to Census of India, 2001, there were 12.26 million working children in
the age group of 5-14 years as compared to 11.3 million in 1991 revealing an
increasing trend in absolute numbers though the work participation rates of
children (5-14) has come down from 5.4 percent during 1991 to 5 percent during
2001. The recent round of the National Sample Survey (NSSO) estimates suggests
that the child labour in the country is around 8.9 million in 2004/2005 with a
5
NSSO, 2000 “Theories and Concepts” workforce participation rate of 3.4 per cent (NSSO 2004/05). Due to definitional
problems, as discussed is this paper, a substantial proportion of child labour may
remain uncounted.
Census data shows that there is a decline in the absolute number as well the
percentage of Main workers of children (5-14 to total population in that age
group, from 4.3 percent in 1991 to 2.3 percent in 2001. But there was a substantial
increase in marginal workers in every category of worker irrespective of sex and
residence. As a result, despite the number of main workers declining from 9.08
million in 1991 to 5.78 million in 2001, the total number of children in the work
force increased. A large part of the increase was accounted for by the increase in
marginal workers, which increased from 2.2 million in 1991 to 6.89 million in
2001. Main and Marginal workers put together, the work participation rate
(WPR) of children in the 5-14 age group has declined from 5.4 percent during
1991 to 5 percent in 2001. The trends between 1991 and 2001 of declining main
child workers along with increasing marginal workers may indicate the changing
nature of work done by children. (Detailed tables of main and marginal workers
by residence and sex for the age-group 5-9 and 10-14 for 1991 and 2001 are at
Annexure I). There is a general trend of marginalization of labour force in the
country and this is also reflected in the Census figures. This is to be seen in the
context of decelerating employment growth in general in the economy during
the last decade that is characterized as an era of globalization.
Table 2 Changes in Work Participation (Main and Marginal) Rate of Children
in different age groups
All India 1991 2001
Boys Girls All
Children
Boys Girls All
Children
5 to 9 0.9 0.9 0.9 1.5 1.4 1.4
10 to 14 10.9 9.9 10.4 8.8 8.5 8.7
5 to 14 5.7 5.1 5.4 5.1 4.9 5.0
6. Age group wise Work Participation Rate (WPR)
However, if we look at the WPR for different age groups among children, the
trend is different. The WPR for children in 5 to 9 age group has marginally
increased from less than 1 percent during 1991 to 1.4 percent during 2001. In the
case of 10-14 years age group children the decline is only marginal - from 10.4 percent during 1991 to 8.7 percent during 2001. This indicates that a substantial
number of children in the 10 to 14 age group are in the labour force despite the
decline in the proportion of children in the total population. Latest available
estimates on WPR children are from the 61
st
Round of NSSO (2004-05).
According to NSSO estimates WPR for children in the 5-9 age group is negligible
and for children in the age group of 10-14, it still continues to be significant
though declining (Table 3). NSSO data being based on a sample survey, this
reflects the current economic situation with regard to general employment in the
economy. Decline in child labour has to be seen in the context of general decline
in employment growth. The current economic process has rendered many more
children vulnerable to labour related exploitation, though many of them are
classified as out of school children but not in work.
Table 3 Magnitude of child labour and out of school children
Distribution of
Children
2001
Population
Census
6
2006
Population
Projection
and
estimates
7
% of Children to
Population
2001 2006
Population
Male 132367710 125485000
Female 120795938 116274000
Total 253163648 241759000
Child Labour (10-14)
Male 6804336 4276744 8.8 6.7
Female 5862041 3894131 8.5 6.3
Total 12666377 8082954 8.7 6.6
6
Census of India, 2001.
7
Population of children in 2006 is based on the projections of the Report of the technical group on
population projections constituted by the National Commission on Population, Population Projections for
India and States 2001 -2026 (Revised December 2006), Office of the Registrar General & Census
Commissioner, India. Estimates for working children and out of school children are based on NSSO 61
st
Round , Report Number 515 (61/10/1), “ Employment and Unemployment Situation in India” 2004-05,
Part I, Table (19): Per 1000 distribution of persons by usual activity category taking also into consideration
the subsidiary economic status of persons categorized 'not working' in the principal status for each agegroup. Children out of school
Male 36428634 19199205 27.5 15.3
Female 45878836 24184992 38.0 20.8
Total 87126075 43274861 34.4 17.9
7. Magnitude of child labour across major states in India
7.1 Census Data
As per the census data, the trend on the magnitude of child labour is not uniform
across the country. There is across the board decline in the incidence of child
labour in the Southern and Western Indian States and UTs between 1991 and 2001.
However, there has been an increasing trend in the Eastern and North Indian
States and UTs (Table 4). There is an increase in the absolute magnitude of child
labour between 1991 and 2001 in the states of UP, Bihar, Rajasthan, Punjab,
Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. If we combine the bifurcated
states from MP, UP and Bihar the increase in magnitude is much more than what
is seen in the divided states (Table 4). While the Kerala and Tamil Nadu stories
are well known, it is heartening to see that the state of Andhra Pradesh, that had
a dubious distinction of having the largest child labour force in the country,
shows reduction in magnitude of child labour and work participation rates along
with a dramatic increase in the enrollment of children in school. However,
Andhra Pradesh is the second largest state in terms of magnitude by 2001
Census.
As for as the percentage share of child labour across the states, Uttar Pradesh
account for a larger share of about 15 percent all child workforces in India
followed by Andhra Pradesh, with 10.8 percent. Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh,
Bihar respectively garnered 10, 8.8 and eight percent of India’s child
employment. The share of Uttar Pradesh has shot up from less than 13 per cent
during 1991 to 15.2 per cent in 2001, which is a cause for serious concern (Table
4). Over 53 percent of the child labour in India was accounted for by the five
states namely UP, AP, Rajasthan, MP and Bihar during 2001. Karnatka,
Maharashtra and West Bengal together had about 20 percent of the child
labourers in India during 2001. It is also to be noted here that there is a general
increasing trend in the magnitude of child labour in the north east region of the
country. Surprising is the case of Himachal Pradesh, which has shown significant increases in school attendance and in literacy levels
8
. However, there is a
dramatic increase in the percentage of children in the age-group 5-14 years who
are classified as workers, both main and marginal. In Himachal Pradesh, the
percentage of child workers has gone up from 5.5 percent in 1991 to 8.6 percent
in 2001. This is a reflection of the emerging crisis of poorer segments of the
population like in many other states. The growth of child labour across states
and UTs in India between 1991 and 2001 are presented in Table 5.
Table 4 Changes in the magnitude of child labour and WPR between
1991 and 2001 (Children in the age group of 5-14)
Work
Participation
rates
Percentage
Share of Child
labour in the
State
States Child
Workers
1991
Child
Workers
2001
1991 2001 1991 2001
Andhra Pradesh 1661940 1363339 9.98 7.7 14.7 10.8
Arunachal Pradesh 12395 18482 5.65 6.06 0.1 0.1
Assam 327598 351416 5.46 5.07 2.9 2.8
Bihar 942245 1117500 3.99 4.68 8.3 8.8
Chattisgarh (New) 364572 6.96 0.0 2.9
Delhi 27351 41899 1.27 1.35 0.2 0.3
Goa 4656 4138 1.95 1.82 0.0 0.0
Gujarat 523585 485530 5.26 4.28 4.6 3.8
Haryana 109691 253491 2.55 4.78 1.0 2.0
Himachal Pradesh 56438 107774 4.55 8.14 0.5 0.9
Jammu & Kashmir 175630 6.62 0.0 1.4
Jharkhand(New) 407200 5.47 0.0 3.2
Karnataka 976247 822665 8.81 6.91 8.7 6.5
Kerela 34800 26156 0.58 0.47 0.3 0.2
Madhya Pradesh 1352563 1065259 8.08 6.71 12.0 8.4
Maharashtra 1068418 764075 5.73 3.54 9.5 6.0
Orissa 452394 377594 5.87 4.37 4.0 3.0
Punjab 142868 177268 3.04 3.23 1.3 1.4
Rajasthan 774199 1262570 6.46 8.25 6.9 10.0
8
The Himachal Pradesh story has been well documented by Anuradha De, Claire Noronha and
Meera Samson in “Primary Education in Himachal Pradesh: Examining a Success Story” in R.
Govinda (edited) (2002) India Education Report, op.cited, pp.297-311 Sikkim 5598 16457 5.18 12.04 0.0 0.1
Tamil Nadu 578889 418801 4.83 3.61 5.1 3.3
Tripura 16478 21756 2.29 2.79 0.1 0.2
Uttar Pradesh 1410086 1927997 3.81 4.04 12.5 15.2
Uttranchal(New) 70183 3.24 0.0 0.6
West Bengal 711691 857087 4.16 4.5 6.3 6.8
India 11285349 12666377 5.37 5.0 100.0 100.0
(Source: compiled from census of India 1991 and 2001)
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16
% Share of Child Labour (2001 Census)
Haryana
Assam
Chattisgarh (New)
Orissa
Jharkhand(New)
Tamil Nadu
Gujarat
Maharashtra
Karnataka
West Bengal
Madhya Pradesh
Bihar
Rajasthan
Andhra Pradesh
Uttar Pradesh
States
Percentage Share of Child Labour across states where the magnitude is
significant
Work Participation Rate of children (5-14)
While Sikkim had the highest WPR in the country with 12.04 percent (child
labourers among total children in the age group of 5-14), among major states
Rajasthan had the highest WPR with 8.25 percent during 2001. Himachal
Pradesh closely followed Rajasthan with 8.14 percent. The other states having higher than the national average of 5 percent WPR for children are Andhra
Pradesh (7.7%), Chattisgarh (6.96%), Karnataka (6.91%), Madhya Pradesh
(6.71%), J&K, Arunachal Pradesh, Jharkhand and Assam (table 4).
Table 5 Growth of child labour across States and UTs in India between 1991
and 2001
State/UTs showing % decline in the
incidence of child labour during 2001
as compared to 1991
State/UTs showing % increase in the
incidence of child labour during 2001
as compared to 1991
Dadra & Nagar Haveli (-3.22), Gujarat
(-7.27), Goa (-11.3), Karnataka (-15.74),
Orissa (-16.53), Andhra Pradesh (-
17.97), Lakshadweep (20.59), Daman &
Diu
(-22.53), Kerala (-24.84), Tamil Nadu
(-27.65), Maharashtra (-28.49), and
Pondicherry (26.96).
Madhya Pradesh (5.71), Assam (7.27),
West Bengal (20.43), Punjab (24.08),
Tripura (32.03), Uttar Pradesh (41.71),
Arunachal Pradesh (49.11), Delhi
(53.19), Andaman and Nicobar Islands
(54.94), Meghalaya (55.75), Mizoram
(60.05), Bihar (61.82), Rajasthan (63.08),
Manipur (74.84), Himachal Pradesh
(90.96), Chandigarh (102.09), Haryana
(131.10), Nagaland (178.43) and Sikkim
(193.98)
Note: Jharkhand, Uttarakhand and Chhattisgarh has been merged to Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and
Madhya Pradesh respectively for comparison)
Source: INDUS, Child Labour Project, 2007, Child Labour Facts and Figures: An analysis of
Census 2001, ILO and Government of India.
7.2 NSSO Data Analysis on the magnitude of child labour:
Compared to 2001 census data, the 61
st
round of NSSO data, 2004-05 reported
that there were 9.07 million working persons of age group 5-14 years. While the
Census is conducted during the beginning of every decade the NSSO is
conducted twice in each decade. Thus NSSO data also provides the mid-decade
trends of various aspects of the economy. The 61
st
round of NSSO (2004-05)
shows a declining trend compared to two earlier rounds (table 6) in the
magnitude of child labour. While it is heartening to see that the magnitude is
declining, the figures are based on a very restrictive definition as discussed
above. The children who are not in school and not in work are enormous even by
the NSSO estimates. This issue is discussed below in this paper. Table 6 NSSO Estimate of the Magnitude of Child Labour in India,
1993-2004/05 (in millions)
Year (Round) Boys Girls All
1993-94 (50th Round) 7.35 6.51 13.86
1999-00 (55th Round) 5.37 4.76 10.13
2004-05 (61st Round) 4.76 4.31 9.07
Source: Derived from Respective Unit Level Records of NSS
NSSO data also shows that, Uttar Pradesh account for a larger share of close to
one-fourth of all child workforces in India followed by Andhra Pradesh, with 13
percent. Similar to 2001 census figures, UP and AP states have captured the first
and second place in terms of magnitude of child labour as revealed by NSSO
(2004-05) data. Maharastra and West Bengal respectively garnered nine and eight
percent of India’s child employment. The share of Uttar Pradesh has dramatically
shot up compared to 50
th
round of NSSO data (1993-94) from less than 13 per cent
to close to 23 per cent in 2004-05, which is a cause for serious concern. On the
other hand, the share of Andhra Pradesh seems to have declined quite
considerably but remains significant (Table 7).
Table 7: NSSO Estimate of Child Labour in Major Indian States, 2004-05
(in thousands)
States Rural Urban All
% share of
child
labour
A.P. 1052 140 1201 13.2
Assam 124 8 133 1.5
Bihar 333 30 364 4.0
Chhattishgarh 225 31 263 2.9
Delhi 0 10 9 0.1
Goa 3 2 6 0.1
Gujrat 220 77 302 3.3
Haryana 83 14 99 1.1
H.P. 36 1 37 0.4
Jharkhand 167 38 206 2.3
Karnataka 510 41 571 6.3
Kerala 7 4 11 0.1
M.P. 414 68 491 5.4
Maharastra 664 84 783 8.6
Orissa 413 22 440 4.8Punjab 23 21 101 1.1
Rajasthan 714 110 821 9.0
Tamil Nadu 95 79 173 1.9
U.P. 1620 459 2074 22.9
Uttaranchal 59 3 64 0.7
West Bengal 488 217 690 7.6
India 7445 1525 9075 100.0
Source: Derived from Unit Level Records of NSS, 2004-05
NSSO data on Work Participation rates of children:
NSSO data reveals that the work participation rates of children have been
declining as shown by the census data. While the WPR is insignificant for the
children in the age group of 5-9 during 2004-05, it is higher for the children in the
age group of 10-14. This shows that enrollment of children in primary schools
has improved all over the country since the launching of Sarva Shiksha Abiyan
(SSA) since 2000. However, the drop out rates from schools seems to be higher at
the middle school level showing higher WPR for children in the age group of 10-
14. Secondly the WPR is higher in the rural areas than urban areas. The WPR for
girl children is higher than boys in general and in rural areas (Table 8). While this
is the picture that emerges at the all India level, there are states having much
higher work participation rates for children.
Table 8 Child Workforce Participation Rates in India, 1993-94 to 2004-05
(in per cent)
Year Male Female All Children
5-9 10-14 5-14 5-9 10-14 5-14 5-9 10-14 5-14
Combined
1993-94 0.99 12.08 6.35 1.21 11.64 6.12 1.09 11.88 6.24
1999-00 0.52 7.90 4.14 0.55 7.67 4.01 0.54 7.79 4.08
2004-05 0.25 6.35 3.33 0.28 6.42 3.32 0.26 6.38 3.33
Rural
1993-94 1.16 13.85 7.20 1.43 14.10 7.26 1.29 13.96 7.23
1999-00 0.59 8.85 4.58 0.65 9.05 4.66 0.62 8.94 4.61
2004-05 0.26 6.80 3.54 0.27 7.42 3.73 0.27 7.09 3.63
Urban
1993-94 0.47 6.63 3.58 0.48 4.51 2.52 0.48 5.63 3.08
1999-00 0.28 4.88 2.65 0.21 3.40 1.85 0.25 4.18 2.27
2004-05 0.21 4.78 2.59 0.30 3.28 1.89 0.25 4.05 2.25
Source: Derived from Respective Unit Level Records of NSS NSSO data 2004-05 reveals that work participation rates for children in the age
group of 5-9 is less than one percent in all the state However the WPR for
children in the age group of 10-14 remains higher ranging from less than one
percent in Kerala to 12.38 percent in Andhra Pradesh. WPR of children in the age
group of 10-14 is significant in the states of A.P., Chattisgarh, Karnataka,
Maharashtra, Orissa, Rajasthan, UP and West Bengal. In these states WPR for
children (10-14) is higher than the National average of 6.38 percent. These figures
are presented in Table 9.
Table 9 Child Workforce Participation Rates in Major Indian States, 2004-05
(in per cent)
States 5-9 10-14 5-14
All
populaton
A.P 0.56 12.38 6.61 50.48
Assam 0.19 3.44 1.82 38.55
Bihar 0.08 2.90 1.36 31.15
Chhattisgarh 0.35 8.70 4.58 48.65
Delhi 0.00 0.49 0.26 33.21
Goa 0.00 5.35 2.70 35.03
Gujrat 0.14 4.83 2.53 46.79
H.P 0.16 4.97 2.73 52.35
Haryana 0.00 3.28 1.71 40.11
Jharkhand 0.41 4.78 2.48 40.71
Karnataka 0.20 8.49 4.66 49.32
Kerala 0.00 0.39 0.20 39.33
M.P 0.14 5.74 2.82 43.30
Maharastra 0.22 6.27 3.42 46.63
Orissa 0.50 9.18 4.87 43.64
Punjab 0.05 3.16 1.73 41.65
Rajasthan 0.41 9.42 4.86 43.32
T.N. 0.00 2.83 1.51 48.58
U.P. 0.40 7.73 3.92 36.29
Uttaranchal 0.00 5.07 2.61 43.90
W.B. 0.32 6.45 3.47 38.04
Total 0.26 6.38 3.33 42.02
Source: Derived from Unit Level Records of NSS, 2004-05 Following is a discussion on the socio economic characters of the child labourers
in the country as revealed by NSSO data.
8. Socio-economic background of Child Labour in India
8.1 Rural-Urban Divide
The important characteristic of child labour in India is that about 90 percent of
the working children are concentrated in the rural areas. They not only work in
farm sector but also in various non-farm activities in rural areas. The same trend
is reflected in Census as well as NSSO data. This is also a reflection of narrow
jurisdiction of the law which focuses only on visible forms of child labour in
urban areas. Further they remain as reservoir of cheap labour supply to be
migrated to urban areas along with their families in the event of any distress in
rural areas. Thus, the problem of child labour in India is essentially a rural
problem. As per 2004-05 NSSO data, out of 9.07 million child labourers, 12.16
million were in rural areas. Though there is a declining trend in the general
magnitude of child labour in India, the concentration of child labourers in rural
areas continue. Data on NSSO estimates on rural-urban magnitude of child
labour is presented in Table 10.
Table 10 Estimate of Trends in India’s Child Labour by Rural-Urban,
1983-2004/05 (in millions)
Year (Round) 5-9 10-14 5-14
Rural
1993-94 (50th Round) 1.13 11.03 12.16
1999-00 (55th Round) 0.60 8.05 8.65
2004-05 (61st Round) 0.26 7.18 7.44
Urban
1993-94 (50th Round) 0.12 1.52 1.64
1999-00 (55th Round) 0.07 1.32 1.39
2004-05 (61st Round) 0.08 1.44 1.52
Combined
1993-94 (50th Round) 1.27 12.59 13.86
1999-00 (55th Round) 0.63 9.50 10.13
2004-05 (61st Round) 0.35 8.72 9.07
Source: Derived from Respective Unit Level Records of NSS 8.2 Social Character of Child Labour in India
NSSO data on caste-wise break-up of workforce participation rates indicates that
the children among lower castes are more vulnerable to labour related
exploitation in India. It is clear from the table 11 that the higher the caste
hierarchy, the lower the participation rates of children and vice versa. The NSSO
data 2004-05 shows that the children among scheduled tribes are twice likely to
be engaged in gainful economic activities than the ‘others’ essentially drawn
from upper castes. Almost close to three per cent of children belonging to
scheduled castes are engaged in some form of employment as against two
percent of ‘others’ castes. When we take the children in the age group of 10-14,
the WPR is highest for STs followed by SCs and other castes reflecting the caste
hierarchy in the society. The data essentially shows that the children belonging to
ST, SC and OBC are more vulnerable to child labour than the other castes.
Table 11 Child Workforce Participation Rates in India by Caste
1993-94 to 2004-05 (in per cent)
Age Group STs SCs OBCs Others All
1993-94
5-9 2.85 1.13 N.A. 0.86 1.09
10-14 24.02 13.90 N.A. 10.06 11.88
5-14 12.32 6.97 N.A. 5.33 6.24
1999-00
5-9 1.43 0.50 0.56 0.27 0.54
10-14 14.87 8.87 7.96 5.17 7.79
5-14 7.71 4.50 4.14 2.74 4.08
2004-05
5-9 0.45 0.22 0.19 0.10 0.20
10-14 7.31 5.26 5.21 3.93 5.12
5-14 3.79 2.80 2.87 2.03 2.74
Source: Derived from Respective Unit Level Records of NSSO
If we look at the religious categories among working children, the WPR is higher
among Minority religious communities than that of the children hailing from
Hindu groups and others during 2004-05. During the same period, 6.5 percent of
children in the age group 10-14 among Muslim children were engaged in gainful
employment as against over 4.5 percent of Hindu children. The data presented
in Table 12 also indicates that the decline in WPR among Muslim children is
slower than other groups over a period of time. This is reflective of long-term neglect and discrimination of minority religious groups in job market and
educational opportunities.
Table 12 Child Workforce Participation Rates by Religion,
1993-94 to 2004-05(in per cent)
Age
Group
Hindus Muslims Others All
1993-94
5-9 1.20 0.74 0.28 0.26
10-14 27.12 20.35 18.21 4.90
5-14 8.88 6.36 6.03 2.58
1999-00
5-9 0.56 0.54 0.20 0.54
10-14 7.91 7.81 5.89 7.79
5-14 4.15 4.00 3.15 4.08
2004-05
5-9 0.25 0.40 0.04 0.26
10-14 4.71 6.58 3.12 4.90
5-14 2.48 3.47 1.63 2.58
Source: Derived from Respective Unit Level Records of NSSO
8.3 Characteristics of Child Labour Households:
8.3.1 Economic conditions of child labour households
Though poverty of parents cannot be an alibi for condoning child labour, there is
definitely a positive correlation between incidence of child labour and household
economic status. NSSO data on expenditure quintiles of households shows that
the magnitude of child labour is significant among poorer sections than the
richer sections. The incidence of child labour declines as the households goes up
in the economic ladder (Table 13). Given the economic process that the country is
undergoing now - where the gap between wealth and poverty is increasing - it is
a matter of urgent concern that the people living in poverty are uplifted to
address the issue of child labour.
8.3.2 Literacy levels of head of child labour households
Illiterate and semi illiterate parents who struggle to survive use their children as
supplementary sources of income. Though the literacy levels are increasing in the
country, the incidence of child labour seems to be high among the households
where the head of the household is an illiterate. As revealed by NSSO data (Table 14) about 50 percent of all the child workers are found in the households whose
head is illiterate. This is followed by the household’s head whose education level
is up to primary and secondary in which case roughly one-fourth of the child
labourers are found. It is to be expected that the lowest share of child workers
are found among households who are economically well-off.
Table 13 Child Labour by Expenditure Quintiles in India, 1993-94 to 2004-05
Age Poorest 2nd
Poorest
Middle 2nd
Richest
Richest
1993-94
5-9 35.37 24.04 16.91 14.21 9.47
10-14 29.58 23.62 19.13 15.80 11.86
5-14 30.11 23.66 18.93 15.66 11.64
1999-00
5-9 36.40 25.18 21.63 11.00 5.79
10-14 33.91 25.85 19.39 14.00 6.85
5-14 34.08 25.81 19.54 13.79 6.78
All 22.25 21.96 20.98 18.74 16.09
2004-05
5-9 45.09 24.52 15.10 13.27 2.02
10-14 35.21 28.35 19.46 12.27 4.72
5-14 35.60 28.19 19.29 12.31 4.61
All 30.38 23.00 18.34 15.37 12.91
Source: Derived from Respective Unit Level Records of NSSO
However, a clear shift is observed among various economic quintiles over the
last one decade so far as child workforce is concerned. While the 1990s have
witnessed enormous concentration of child employment among the poor
households, during 2004-05 the child workers appear to be more and more
spread among illiterates, and primary and secondary educated households. This
is also a reflection of the declining employment growth in the country. Table 14 Household Head’s Education and Child Labour in India
1993-94 to 2004-05
Age
Group
Illiterates Primary Secondary Graduate
& Above
1993-94
5-9 74.41 18.72 5.89 0.98
10-14 67.45 24.00 7.87 0.69
5-14 68.09 23.51 7.68 0.71
All 50.03 28.03 18.43 3.51
1999-00
5-9 72.25 16.60 9.58 1.57
10-14 68.82 22.07 8.35 0.75
5-14 69.06 21.70 8.43 0.81
All 46.91 26.21 22.39 4.49
2004-05
5-9 46.89 26.33 23.52 3.27
10-14 45.50 27.16 23.64 3.70
5-14 46.19 26.75 23.58 3.48
All 43.23 27.47 25.01 4.29
Source: Derived from Respective Unit Level Records of NSSO
8.4 Sectoral Distribution of Child Labour in India
What ever trend in the magnitude of child labour is shown in the official data, it
is a common sight in India to see children engaged in various forms of work,
whether paid or unpaid. Despite having legislation against child labour
particularly in hazardous industries, children are continued to be engaged in
significant numbers in hazardous and non-hazardous sectors.
Reflecting the overall trend in the workforce participation, most of the child
employment is concentrated in agriculture and allied activities in India. As
revealed by the NSSO data 2004-05, this sector alone account for over two thirds
of the child employment. This sector is followed by followed by manufacturing
sector which account for 16.55 percent of child employment. Trade, hotels and
restaurant accounts for a significant share of child workers with 8.45 per cent of
the total child labour force. Most of these children are employed in the informal
sectors of the economy on a casual basis with low wages and long hours of work
as revealed by many empirical studies on child labour in India. Table 15 Sectoral Distribution of India’s Child Labour, 2004-05
State Agri.
Mining
& Quar Mfg.
Elec.
Wate
r Cons.
Trade,
Hotel Trnsprt Finance
Com.,
Soc Total
A.P. 68.96 0.96 9.70 0.00 3.20 9.02 1.05 0.00 7.11 1000
Assam 69.26 1.78 8.42 0.00 1.78 7.76 0.05 0.00 10.96 100
Bihar 71.84 0.00 11.16 0.00 0.00 15.49 0.07 0.38 1.05 100
Chhattisgarh 87.90 0.00 2.37 0.00 0.86 7.17 0.00 0.00 1.70 100
Delhi 0.00 0.00 11.08 0.00 0.00 57.83 0.00 0.00 31.09 100
Goa 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 4.60 0.00 72.46 0.00 22.94 100
Gujrat 76.69 1.04 2.58 0.00 0.28 17.77 0.16 0.00 1.48 100
H.P. 87.42 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 6.71 1.21 0.00 4.66 100
Haryana 65.57 0.00 3.81 0.00 7.03 8.08 0.00 0.00 15.51 100
Jharkhand 65.28 0.00 14.63 0.00 4.25 12.08 0.66 0.26 2.84 100
Karnataka 82.60 0.22 9.27 0.00 1.19 5.73 0.70 0.00 0.30 100
Kerala 19.22 0.00 32.78 0.00 0.00 31.95 0.00 0.00 16.05 100
M.P. 82.89 0.00 9.93 0.00 1.50 4.33 0.00 0.00 1.34 100
Maharastra 82.62 0.00 5.34 0.00 1.92 5.75 0.13 0.14 4.09 100
Orissa 73.18 0.88 17.36 0.00 3.25 3.34 0.91 0.00 1.08 100
Punjab 67.91 0.00 12.71 0.00 1.16 7.21 2.59 0.00 8.43 100
Rajasthan 75.78 0.00 9.60 0.19 2.94 7.26 0.05 3.74 0.44 100
T.N. 39.49 0.00 44.55 0.00 5.91 5.68 1.54 0.16 2.68 100
U.P. 61.24 0.00 25.34 0.00 0.40 9.73 0.68 0.50 2.11 100
Uttaranchal 80.73 0.00 4.72 0.00 5.24 9.31 0.00 0.00 0.00 100
W.B. 34.57 0.00 43.93 0.00 3.27 9.66 1.19 0.80 6.59 100
Total 68.14 0.25 16.55 0.02 1.95 8.45 0.66 0.57 3.41 100
Source: Estimated from Unit Level Records of NSSO, 2004-05
Across states, the general pattern of sectoral distribution of workforce in the
economy is observed in the case of child labour also, except in Tamil Nadu,
Kerala and West Bengal where agricultural and allied sectors account for less
than 40 percent of the total child labour force. In fact it is the lowest in Kerala.
Tamil Nadu is the highly urbanized state according to 2001 census data and
several non-farm occupations in the informal sector is developing and most of
the rural population has been involved in more than one activity. Thus, children
are also employed in different non-farm occupations in the state. Moreover
certain new forms of child labour are developing in Tamil Nadu details of which
are discussed elsewhere in this paper. Among manufacturing sector, Tamil Nadu seems to have employed a higher share of its child workers (44.55 %) closely
followed by West Bengal (43.93%).
It is noted that during 2004-05, over 87 percent of child labourers are located in
farm activities in states like Himachal Pradesh and Chhattisgarh, while this
accounted for 82 percent in Madhya Pradesh and Maharastra.
So far the magnitude and other aspects of child labour in India are analyzed to
look at the changes that are taking place over a period of time. The following
section devoted to look at what is missing in the official data with regard to child
labour.
9. District level census data analysis on magnitude of Child Labour
District level data on the magnitude of child labour is available only from the
Census data. The other source from where the magnitude of child labour can be
derived is the district level SSA. SSA conducts a survey on out of school children
every year. But this data is not reliable as this is challenged by many civil society
organizations. MV Foundation did an alternative survey in some of the districts
in Andhra Pradesh and proved SSA data on out of school children to be grossly
underestimated figures. In the absence of any other source of information
Census data is useful in looking at the trends in the magnitude of child labour at
a district level desegregation.
State level data on the magnitude of child labour shows declining trends in
certain states and increasing trends in certain other states. This does not give us
the trends within the state. Within the state there is regional variations in the
trends on magnitude of child labour. For example Andhra Pradesh state as a
whole shows declining trend in the magnitude of child labour between 1991 and
2001. However if we look at the district level data three of the top twelve districts
having more than 80,000 child labourers are in Andhra Pradesh during 2001. In
fact second and third rank goes to Mahbubnagar and Kurnool district with over
130000 child labourers in each of these districts during 2001. The top most district
accounting for highest number of child labourers is Alwar district in Rajasthan
with 140318 child labourers during 2001. These are the three districts having
more than one lakh child labourers. There are 46 districts in the country having
child labourers in the range of 50000 to 100000. Distribution of number of
districts by range of magnitude of child labour is presented in Table 16. Table 16.Distribution of number of districts by range of magnitude of child
labour in India
Range of magnitude
of child labour
Number of districts Percentage to total
number of districts in
India.
Above 1 lakh 3 0.5
>75000 to 1lakh 8 1.4
>50000 to 75000 38 6.5
>25000 to 50000 142 24.3
>10000 to 25000 206 35.3
Below 10000 187 32.0
584 100.0
Source: compiled from Census of India, 2001
Among the top 11 districts Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal account for 3
districts each, Rajasthan 2 districts, and Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and
Karnataka account for one district each (Table 17). Most of these districts are
having NCLP programme since the 9
th
five year plan period. Ranking of all the
584 district with regard to magnitude of child labour is presented in Anexure II.
Table 17 Magnitude of Child Labour (Main and Marginal) in India
2001 – Top 11 districts having more than 75,000 child labourers
State District
No. of
CL
RAJASTHAN ALWAR 140318
ANDHRAPRADESH MAHBUBNAGAR 138475
ANDHRAPRADESH KURNOOL 138326
KARNATAKA GULBARGA 99914
RAJASTHAN JALOR 99109
MADHYAPRADESH JHABUA 96643
WEST BENGAL MEDINAPUR 95739
ANDHRAPRADESH GUNTUR 92075
WEST BENGAL MALDAH 88556
WEST BENGAL MURSHIDABAD 87968
UTTAR PRADESH BULANDSHAHR 85296
Source: Compiled from 2001 Census data Growth of child labour across districts and state in India
Among major states in India, Jharkhand and Himachal Pradesh show an all
round increase in the magnitude of child labour between 1991 and 2001 in all the
districts in both the states. West Bengal, Haryana, Punjab, Bihar and Rajasthan
there have been an increasing trend of magnitude of child labour in over 90
percent of the districts. Andhara Pradesh is the state where the increasing trend
is observed only in 17 percent of the districts. Surprisingly Kerala also show
increasing trend in 50 percent of the districts, though the increase is only
marginal. Growth of child labour in major states by number of districts is
presented in Table 18. District wise increase or decline in the magnitude of child
labour between 1991 and 2001 is presented in Annexure III.
Table 18 Growth of child labour across districts in India
districts where the
magnitude has
increased
districts where the
magnitude has declined
States
Number
of
districts
% to total
districts in
the state
Number
of
districts
% to total
districts in
the state
Total
number
of
districts
Uttarakhand 8 61.5 5 38.5 13
UP 61 88.4 8 11.6 69
WB 17 94.4 1 5.6 18
Orissa 20 66.7 10 33.3 30
MP 37 82.2 8 17.8 45
Chattisgarh 10 62.5 6 37.5 16
Gujarat 17 68.0 8 32.0 25
Maha 18 51.4 17 48.6 35
AP 4 17.4 19 82.6 23
Karnataka 12 44.4 15 55.6 27
Kerala 7 50.0 7 50.0 14
T.N. 11 36.7 19 63.3 30
Jharkhand 18 100.0 0 0.0 18
Assam 17 73.9 6 26.1 23
Haryana 18 94.7 1 5.3 19
HP 12 100.0 0 0.0 12
Punjab 15 88.2 2 11.8 17
Rajasthan 30 93.8 2 6.3 32
Bihar 35 94.6 2 5.4 37
India 367 72.96 136 27.04 503The data presented above indicate that the magnitude of child labour has been
increasing in over 70 percent of the districts in India. It would be useful to do a
regional mapping of high incidence districts to focus policy interventions.
10. Missing child labour in the official data
9
:
Though the official data on child labour shows a declining trend, it has not
automatically resulted in bringing all children to school. There were 87 million
Children (5-14) who were out of school during 2001 (not including the child
labourers). NSSO (61
st
Round) estimates show that the magnitude of out of
school children has declined to 43 million by 2004-05. This could be probably
because of the efforts of SSA and other initiatives to stop child labour. However,
the NSSO estimates show that about one fifth of the girl children in the 5 to 14
age group are not in school. There seems to be a persisting gender gap. While
this is the picture that emerges for the country as a whole, there are wide
variations across states. There are well performing states and states that are at the
other extreme (see state level estimates of children in school across states based
on NSSO estimates (2004-05) in Table 19).
NSS data also provides input on some other activities that children engage in.
Each category of children is a mutually exclusive category, that is, no child is in
more than one category, although in reality children may be performing more
than one task. For example, those who attend schools, may be performing
domestic duties as well, but are categorized as children attending schools. The
priority is assigned based on the amount of time day spent by children on
respective tasks.
Table 19 State level estimates of children across states based on NSSO
estimates (2004-05)
Current Attendance Rates (per 1000) in educational institutions per 1000 persons of 5-
14 age group (2004-05)
Rrual Urban All areas
States Male Female Total Male Female Total Male Female Total
Andhra Pradesh 902 824 865 911 911 911 905 846 876
Arunachal 720 667 695 886 914 898 742 696 721
9
Materials presented in this section is partly drawn from the proceedings of the Operations Meeting on
Child Labour Estimation Study March 26 and 27, 2007, Venue: New Delhi YMCA, Kashmir Room
organized by CRY, Delhi. Pradesh
Assam 875 868 871 900 843 870 877 865 871
Bihar 691 574 639 805 764 785 700 593 652
Chattisgarh 854 750 801 890 867 879 858 764 810
Delhi 970 908 942 885 913 898 895 913 903
Goa 937 964 950 937 938 938 937 954 946
Gujarat 870 779 828 924 910 918 887 818 856
Haryana 905 812 861 923 878 905 910 827 872
Himachal
Pradesh 961 936 949 980 936 959 962 936 950
Jammu Kashmir 909 827 869 978 860 920 926 835 881
Jharkhand 781 692 741 908 928 918 799 728 767
Karnataka 876 840 859 950 931 941 898 866 883
Kerala 962 983 972 987 993 990 968 985 976
Madhya Pradesh 803 699 755 908 874 892 825 736 784
Maharashtra 872 874 873 931 915 923 893 889 891
Manipur 922 911 917 978 963 971 937 925 932
Meghalaya 834 892 861 971 887 928 850 891 869
Mizoram 924 932 928 990 987 989 952 955 953
Nagaland 948 924 936 929 924 927 941 924 933
Orissa 827 753 791 882 875 879 834 768 802
Punjab 896 883 890 900 878 890 897 882 980
Rajasthan 853 681 771 824 803 813 847 710 780
Sikkim 929 966 948 923 825 879 929 954 941
Tamil Nadu 976 939 958 975 958 967 975 946 961
Tripura 856 910 882 868 911 890 857 910 882
Uttaranchal 889 850 869 914 882 900 895 856 876
Uttar Pradesh 806 730 771 789 803 796 803 743 775
West Bengal 831 814 822 848 871 860 834 824 829
A & N Islands 964 990 976 984 955 969 972 976 974
Chandigarh 841 917 870 959 938 950 942 935 939
Dadra Nagar
Haveli 937 722 36 966 863 911 939 733 842
Daman and Diu 992 998 996 941 956 950 975 984 980
Lakshadweeps 902 892 897 991 960 977 945 927 937
Pondicherry 965 966 966 983 987 985 977 981 979
All India 835 767 803 890 879 885 847 792 821
Source: compiled from NSSO Report No.517/(61/10/3), “Status of Education and Vocational Training in
India” 2004-05. The most important category of children is “others”, which accounts for 43
million. They are not attending schools, and are neither at ’work’ nor are
categorized as those attending domestic duties. “These children are, as referred
to by Rodger and Standing, those in “Idleness and unemployment”, which is
different from ‘recreation and leisure’, in the sense it is “liable to be interspersed
with marginal, irregular activities that provide a modicum of income” and the
idleness is the “induced sense of passivity and anomie, if prolonged, cause
unemployability for many forms of regular employment” (Rodgers and Standing
1981, p. 10). Such children, without schooling, lack education, and by being idle,
lack essential skills, and when adults they are almost unemployable”
10
.
These children are also called variously as “Nowhere children”, “potential child
labourers” and “reserve child labour force”. Many NGOs, Commissions, activists
and scholars bracket them as “child labourers” as they are all deprived of
‘education’ (Second National Labour Commission Report, MV Foundation,
Human Rights Watch, Shanta Sinha, Neera Burra etc). Hence it is often claimed
that the number of ’child labourers’ in the country is in the range of over 60
millions.
When the magnitude of ‘child labour’ is derived not on the children counted as
children actually working, but on the basis of children not attending schools,
although provides an essential link between the two issues of child labour and
education, it also makes a presumption that reasons for children working are the
same as the reasons for children not attending schools. The 61
st
round of NSSO
data (2004-05) has reported a large scale increase in self employment of men and
women. Nature of Self employment range from selling eatables at road side to
doing petty business etc. In most cases children, who are categorised as
‘nowhere’ must be helping their parents in such activities. Thus the real
magnitude of child labour is much more than what is reported in the census and
NSS data. Some of the empirical studies conducted in different parts of India
show the inadequacy in the way the child labour figures are derived in the
official sources of data.
10
Pradeep Narayanan, 2006, Concept Paper on Child Labour in India,CRY- Child Rights and
You, 2007, MimeoTime-use survey
11
A Time-use survey conducted by Government of India amply proved that over
32 percent of the children who are considered as ‘nowhere’ (neither in school nor
in work) were actually working. The abstract of the study is as follows.
The Department of Statistics, Government of India, organized a pilot time use
survey in six states of India between July, 1998, and June, 1999. The idea of
undertaking such a study was, in part, to analyse the implication of paid and
unpaid work among men, women and children in rural and urban areas. This
study was conducted in Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, Orissa, Tamil Nadu
and Meghalaya. The total sample size was 18,628 households distributed among
the states in proportion to the total number of estimated households as per the
National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) 1993-94 survey. The survey
collected comprehensive information on how people, including children above
six years, spend their time on different activities. The one-day recall method was
used for data collection. Indira Hirway, analyzing the data, shows “that the most
important economic activity for children in the age group, 6-14 years is animal
husbandry. About 11.47 percent of boys and 10.69 percent of girls in this age
group participated in this activity, particularly in animal grazing….These boys
and girls spent 21.54 hours and 13.94 hours, respectively on this activity,
implying on an average, a daily engagement of three and two hours
respectively”
12
The next important economic activity for children is the collection
of fuelwood, water, fodder, fruits, etc. About 4.51 percent of boys and 13.76
percent of girls in the age group 6-14 were engaged in this activity, which implies
that this activity is more important for girls than for boys. Farming engages 6.23
percent of boys and 6.24 percent of girls. Petty services like informal sector
activities engage 5.41 percent of boys and 4.72 percent of girls. Fishing and
forestry and other manufacturing activities are also important from a children’s
work point of view.
11
This survey is quoted from the report of the National Commission for Protection of Child
Rights, 2007, Report and Recommendations for the Eleventh Five Year Plan (2007-2012) towards
abolition of child labour in India. The author of this paper was also involved in the preparation of
the NCPCR report submitted to the Planning Commission of India.
12
Indira Hirway (2002) “Understanding Children’s Work in India: An Analysis Based on Time
Use Data” in Nira Ramachandran and Lionel Massun (eds.) Coming to Grip With Rural Child
Work, p. 84 Breaking up the data by age groups, Hirway says that in the 6-9 years age group,
about 6.82 percent of boys and 6.37 percent of girls are engaged in animal
husbandry, mainly grazing. Petty services employ 4.57 percent of boys and 4.40
percent of girls. Crop farming engages 3.51 percent of boys and 3.74 percent of
girls. Further the data reveals that “children aged 6-14, who, participated in
economic activities spent 21.46 hours a week (about three hours a day), on an
average, on SNA (System of National Accounting)
13
work, which comes to 12.77
percent of their total weekly time. Boys spent 24.27 hours while girls spent 18.63
hours. The data show that boys engaged in mining, quarrying and digging spend
maximum time on this work (34.5 hours), which implies that many of them are
engaged in these activities on a full-time basis. This is followed by
manufacturing work (32.70 hours), construction work (26.16 hours), animal
grazing (21.54 hours) and crop farming (20.14 hours).
In the case of girls engaged in SNA activities, maximum time (37.34 hours a
week) is spent by those who are engaged in mining, quarrying and digging. This
is followed by girls engaged in manufacturing activities (27.57 hours),
construction work (22.30 hours), crop farming (20.79 hours) and animal
husbandry (18.02 hours). The time-use survey showed that while 67.13 percent of
children are engaged in educational activities and about 17 percent in pure
economic activities, the balance 15.87 percent were engaged either in extended
SNA activities or in non-SNA activities. Extended SNA activities while not
considered strictly economic activities fall in the ‘General Production Boundary’
and include activities such as household maintenance, management, care of
siblings, sick, aged and disabled and other household activities. Care of siblings,
the aged, the sick and the disabled take up a fair amount of the time of children.
For example, girls in the age group 6-14 and 6-9 years spend 7.96 hours and 7.52
hours on the physical care of children respectively.
The time-use survey shows that boys and girls spend 21.46 hours a week on SNA
activities, which is about 47 percent of the time spent by an adult on SNA
activities. Girls (6-14) participate in extended SNA activities much more than
participant men of all ages. Thus, while girls spend 13.01 hours on household
management, 10.64 hours on community services and 11.17 hours on care
13
SNA is the System of National Accounts which refers to economic activities which are covered
under national income accounts. Extended SNA activities are those which are not included in
national accounts but are covered under General Production Boundary, and non-SNA activities
or personal activities. activities, the corresponding data on time spent by men are 6.76 hours, 7.99
hours and 6.12 hours respectively (Hirway, p.98)
As Hirway points out: “when one combines SNA and extended SNA work, one
realizes that children’s contribution to this total work in the society is more than
marginal, in terms of both number of participants as well as hours put in. The
contribution of girls is greater than that of boys.” (p.103)
More significantly, she says that “more than 32 percent ‘nowhere’ children, who
do not go to school, are largely engaged in economic or in extended economic
activities. In the case of girls, their low attendance in school is not only due to
their participation in economic activities but also due to the responsibilities borne
by them in extended SNA activities.”
A Micro level study from Tamil Nadu to re-define child labour:
Another micro level survey conducted during 2001 in two villages,
Achamangalam and Kadirampatti (Antonyraj, 2003) located in Tirupattur taluk
of Vellore district in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu collected detailed
account of time spent by a sample of children. Though a small sample survey this
study is very important in the sense that it has provided methodology to capture
the real nature of the out of school children who are not classified as workers in
the official sources of data. Recorded information on children in this survey
included Self-employment activities (which include activities such as working on
one’s own farm, conducting one’s own business, tailoring at home, and so on);
Wage-employment activities (which include activities such as construction work,
road building, making incense sticks, agricultural labour, and so on, in exchange
for a wage); Domestic tasks (which include washing, cleaning, cooking, child-care,
fetching drinking water, shopping, making purchases at the fair-price shop,
going to the rice mill, splitting wood, and so on); Non-domestic, non-wage activities
(which include cattle-rearing, gathering of fuel, fodder and forest produce,
guarding the field from birds and animals, kitchen gardening, marketing and
post-harvest processing, making payments at or transacting with the electricity
board and other government offices, working without payment on the family
farm or other family enterprise, and so on); and Other activities (activities which
are in the nature of socialization such as hospital visiting, calling on friends and
relatives, attending marriages and funerals, work related to celebration of village
festivals, attending village meetings, playing, and so on). The study concluded that the so called ‘nowhere’ children on the whole are
neither idle nor merely rendering ‘some services’. Even according to restrictive
definition used in the NSSO one fourth of the ‘nowhere’ children can be easily
classified as workers. This study has suggested an expansive definition to
capture the real magnitude of child labour.
According to Antonyraj, the least inclusive approaches are the ones adopted by
the official data-generating agencies that include the first two categories of
activities (self and wage employment) mentioned above. A less restrictive
approach would include activities in the third category of ‘domestic tasks’. An
even less restrictive approach would expand the domain of ‘work’ to include
activities in the fourth category of ‘non-wage, non-domestic’ tasks. A completely
expansive approach would admit, additionally, the fifth category of ‘other
activities’. A child who has spent at least six hours a day—and this is a fairly
stringent requirement—on those categories of activity considered relevant for
counting as ‘work’ could be considered a ‘worker’. The study showed that if the
less restrictive approach is used about 48 percent of the nowhere children would
be classified as child labourers and if even weak expansive approach is adopted
86.7 of the nowhere children would be counted as child labourers.
Survey to improve NSSO definition of child labour
Another study conducted by the Centre for Studies in Economic Appraisal
(CSEA), Kolkata in partnership with Child Rights and You (CRY), has critically
analyzed the NSSO’s definition of a worker (child) and showed the inadequacy
of the NSSO data in estimating the magnitude of child labour, through an
alternative sample survey
14
.
The sample study included children in selected Urban and Rural areas around
Kolkata. The study identified that it is difficult for any study including NSSO to
capture children who stay and work at frequently changing locations. Many of
them could be engaged in illegal activities including smuggling, pilferage, etc.
Although an estimation of such activities to National Income has been somehow
attempted by the NSSO, but the children engaged in such activities have not
been generally identified. Thus children not strictly belonging to NSSO
14
Mukherjee S.P., Ratan Khasnabis, Dipankar Coondoo, Pradip Maiti, Sharmistha Banerjee,
2006, A Study on Definitions and Methodologies, A project of Centre for Studies in Economic
Appraisal (CSEA), Kolkata, In partnership with Child Rights and You (CRY), Mumbai, 2006.households (who are relatively static in locations) are not reflected in NSSO
findings. Further the study states that the following categories of children not
captured by NSSO Definition.
1. Children who are engaged in non - remunerative but productive jobs. This may
be due to the fact that they are working as trainees.
2. Children who perform only household chores, attending or missing schools (e.g.
cooking, cleaning, taking care of siblings, etc) more or less regularly.
3. Children who are engaged in remunerative jobs not recognized as productive
under the SNA category of work e.g. children engaged in illegal activities
(smuggling, prostitution, child pornography etc).
The sample survey covered 216 children in 109 households. Out of them 94 attend
school and 122 do not. All those who attend school are not considered to be child
worker/labourer according to NSSO survey, their primary activity status being
recorded as ‘school attendance’. In case, they are also engaged in some productive
and remunerative jobs, their secondary activity status would include them in the
workforce. With reference to ILO guidelines
15
and NSSO definitions the study
found out that a large percentage of the children surveyed are engaged in
productive work besides household work. Among the 122 not school going children,
110 work beyond stipulated hours (in the age specific ILO guidelines) and hence are
child labourers. Now considering the 122 children who do not attend school. NSSO
segregates these children as worker or non worker depending upon their Weekly or
Daily Activity Status. Considering the Daily Activity Status the child would be
considered a full intensity worker if in the last day preceding the survey he had
worked for more than 4 hours (Less than 4 hours work would make him half day
intensity worker). Among these 122 children, 91 perform work for less than 4 hours
a day. According to NSSO a person has to be a worker according to Daily Activity
Status if he works for 4 hours or more on the day preceding the day of survey. So
according to NSSO these 91 children cannot be termed as child labour. Considering
the entire group of 216 school going and non-school going children, a total of 185 are
economically active as per the ILO guideline, whereas only 30 of them would be
considered workers as per NSSO rounds.
15
According to the ILO standards, all forms of work by children under the age 12 should be
considered as ‘child labour’. Children in the age group 12-14 years, engaged in work, productive
or unproductive in System of Natioanal Accounting(SNA) sense, for 14 or more hours in a week,
would be considered as child labour. Children in the age group 15-17 years, working more than
42 hours in a week would also be branded as ‘child labour’. The study has unpacked the limitations of the NSSO data and has recommended for
a research on the estimation of ‘child labour’ and ‘child worker’ in India based on a
proper methodology.
11 Children Enrolled in schools but working - New forms of Child Labour
In the context of globalization new forms of child labour are emerging in India.
Children working in cotton seed farms are one such case in point. It is found that
labour employed on advanced capitalist cotton seed farms in Andhra Pradesh –
which is linked to national and multinational capital - involves the employment of
labour which is mostly unfree and female and young (7-14 years) It is argued by
Davuluri Venkateswaralu and Lucia Da Corta that in order to secure cheaper female
child labour, employers segmented the female labour market via ideologies about
the superiority of female children over adult females.
16
Currently BT cotton seed is
cultivated in 60000 acres in India spread in Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu,
Maharashtra, Karnataka Madhya Pradesh and Punjab. The top states in cotton seed
production are Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu. The important character
of cotton seed cultivation is that it is very labour intensive. Manual cross pollination
has to be done for the entire field. This work has to be carried out without any break
for about 100 days during the season. Multi National Seed Companies like
Monsanto Corporation produce seeds using the local farmers through contract
farming. Davuluri
17
, in a recent study has estimated that there are 415390 children
below the age of 17 are working in cotton seed farms in Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh,
Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. Of these 223940 are children below the age of 14. While
in Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka over 85 percent of the children are drawn from
the local area, in Gujarat and Tamil Nadu over 80 percent of them are migrant
labourers who work as camp coolies. Over two thirds of the workers are girl
children. It is stated that over 65 percent of the children are school drop outs. Many
others are enrolled in schools but they hardly attend schools as they migrate out for
more than four months every year. However, in the official statistics they would
have been counted as school going children. With the spread of cotton seed and
16
DAVULURI VENKATESHWARLU AND LUCIA DA CORTA Transformations in the Age and
Gender of Unfree Workers on Hybrid Cotton Seed Farms in Andhra Pradesh Journal of Peasant
Studies, Vol. 28, No. 3, April 2001
17
Venkateswarlu, Davuluri (2007), Child bondage continues in India cotton supply chain` study
commissioned by India Committee of the Netherlands, ILRF, DWHH, OECD Watch (for full text see
www.indianet.nl/pdf/childbondagecotton.pdfcotton cultivation in India the incidence of child labour is likely to increase. For a
more detailed account see Davuluri (2007). Children in cotton seed cultivation and
Sumangali Scheme in Tamil Nadu, part time bonded labourers in beedi, matches
and fireworks.
School or work? – case of beedi children in Tamil Nadu:
Tamil Nadu is one of the important state where beedi production is carried out in
many districts. Vellore district was notoriously known for child bondage in beedi
work. With lots of efforts from the district administration, NGOs and SSA most of
these children are withdrawn from work and enrolled in schools during the last ten
years. But a recent study by Vidyasagar
18
revealed that most of the children enrolled
in schools are again pledged by their parents to beedi contractors for a cash advance.
These children are forced to work for three hours in the morning and atleast another
three hours in the evening after school hours. Thus, they work (forced to work) in an
hazardous industry for more than six hours a day – qualified to be a worker under
ILO guidelines and NSSO definitions. But they are not counted as workers as their
work is hidden both by parents and the employers. There are thousands of such
children who are in part time bondage and they hardly get any energy to devote for
their education. While Tamil Nadu State show declining trends in the magnitude of
child labour in the official statistics, such new forms of child labour in beedi
industries is developing. This is the same case in match industry and fire works in
Virudhunagar district.
Full time workers treated as ‘Trainees’ - girls working in Spinning Mills
In Tamil Nadu, in the recent past, Spinning Mills in Coimbatore as well as in other
parts of the state has introduced a new scheme of labour recruitment. This is called
“Sumangali” Scheme (meaning marriage assistance scheme), under which young
girls from 14 years of age are recruited to work in the spinning mills. They are
considered as trainees but they work full time after a few days of training as the
work requires no specific skills. When they are treated as trainees they won’t be
considered as workers by official sources. This scheme has also spread to Knit wear
industry in Tiruppur. This form of recruitment involves adolescent girls including
girls below the age of 14. This scheme was introduced a decade ago. Apparently the
scheme looks simple and attractive. A recent study (2006) on, “The New
18
Vidyasagar, Revisiting child bondage in Vellore, 2006, unpublished. Developments in Tiruppur”
19
has reported that “Adolescent, unmarried young girls
of 15 to 25 are preferred in the textile and garment industry for their efficiency in
work output. Many girls are recruited under the “Sumangali Scheme or Mankalya
Thittam”. They have to work as camp coolies for three years as scheme workers.
During the period they will be provided with food and common accommodation.
They will be also paid a Rupees 900 to 1000 per month but half of it deducted for
food and accormodation. In return they will have to work for long hours of upto 12
hours. They will have very little rest and they will be squeezed off their maximum
labour. They have no bonus, advance or any other payment but are promised an
assured sum at the end of the scheme year. The workers do not fall under the
purview of the ESI or the PF coverage. They invariably face exploitative working
conditions like low wages, long hours of work, physical and verbal abuses. There
are employment contracts but more often they are not followed. The most horrible
exploitation is that they will be terminated under false allegation before they
complete their tenure and they will be deprived of their complete payment for the
entire term of work. Whatever may be Scheme name and justifications put forward
by the employers association, it is an absolute form of forced labour”.
Seven girls working in a textile unit on Kangayam Road to Rakhipalayam were
rescued from such forced labour conditions during 2004 by the labour officers. The
rescued girls had shocking tales to narrate about the physical and mental torture
they had faced inside the factory. They were brought to the mill by an agent who
visited their villages
20
. Another detailed on the scheme brought out by the Tirupur
People’s Forum for Protection of Environment and Labour Rights
21
, highlighted that
the girls are terrified inside the factories as they are even slapped by the supervisors
for making mistakes. Verbal abuses has on the workers has been enormous. These
girls were working for about 80 hours a week. The girls are not allowed to have
outside contacts and their parents are allowed to visit them once a month or once in
two months. They are taken out for shopping once in a month to the nearby market
and these visits are accompanied by factory staff to keep a watch on the girls, so that
they don’t run away. The report has stated that 90% of the workers in spinning mills
comprise of such young girls.
19
“The New Developments in Tirupur”, Produced by FWF, with inputs from Mr. Angelis, Advocate, Mr.
Prithiviraj, CARE, Mr. Narayanasamy of LRC – SAVE and E. Rajarethinam, GCT. October 2006,
(adjusted by FWF January 2007)
20
Sindhu Menon, (Date?), “ Adolescent Dreams Shattered in the Lure of Marriage” Sumangali System -
A New form of bondage in Tamil Nadu., Labour File, a bimonthly journal of labour and economic affairs,
21
Tirupur People’s Forum for Protection of Environment and Labour Rights, June 2007, “Women Workers
in a Cage” An investigative study on Sumangali, Hostel and Camp Labour Schemes for young workers in
the Tirupur Garment Industries”. A sample study has been carried out in the source areas from where the girls are
migrating to work in textile mills, covering Tirunelveli, Virudhunagar, Theni,
Sivaganga and Karur. This survey covered 1749 families, of girls who have gone to
work in spinning mills, spread out in 399 villages from 17 Panchayat Unions spread
in the five districts. This study has revealed that nearly 18 percent of the girls were
below 15 years of age and 69 percent of them are below 18 years of age
22
.
SOCO Trust, Madurai has filed a petition before the National Human Rights
Commission for their intervention to relieve the young girls from bondage
23
. In its
petition, SOCO Trust has mentioned that mostly girls belonging to dalit and
backward class communities from the drought prone districts of Ramanathapuram,
Tirunelveli, Tutucorin, Virudhunagar, Dindigul and Theni migrate to textile districts
like Coimbatore, Erode, Karur and Dindigul to work in the textiles mills as camp
coolies. There are brokers who identify the girls who are finding it difficult to get
married because of poverty, in the villages and lure their parents to send their girls
to work in the mills. The textile mills pay a commission of Rs.500 per girl brought in
such a way. These workers are denied all statutory benefits, like minimum wages,
ESI, PF, bonus, registering the contracts and so on. It is further stated that the
unmarried adolescent girls who are confined to the mill complexes and forced to
work are also subjected to sexual harassment, and sexual torture. This report has
brought to light suicide cases of such girls within the factory premises under
suspicious circumstances. There are also cases in Coimbatore district where girls
have scaled the compound wall of the factory s to escape from their miserable life.
The employment of girls in spinning mills under the Sumangali scheme that restricts
individual workers’ freedom is one of the worst forms of servitude. There are 815
spinning mills in Tamil Nadu which account for 52 percent of all spinning mills in
India
24
. Most of them are in Coimbatore district.
The materials presented in this section show that child labour is emerging in new
forms. This could be true in the case of other states also given the increasing
infromalisation of employment. The issue is that these children will not get
representation even as lifeless numbers in the official statistics.
22
Kannan, 2007, Situation Study on the Adolescent Girls and Young Women Working in Textile Mills on
Contract Schemes, Tirupur People’s Forum for Protection of Environment and Labour Rights, Tirupur, July
2007.
23
SOCO Trust, 2007, “Sumangali Thittam” – A Modern Form of Slavery, in Social Justice Monitor,
March-April 2007.
24
Department of Economics and Statistics, Chennai-6 Concluding Remark
Magnitude of child labour as reported by official sources show a declining trend.
Though this is a welcome trend, the problem is with the inadequacy of coverage in
the official statistics. Given the context of globalization and declining employment
growth in the country, the reduction in the magnitude of child labour shown in
NSSO 61
st
round (2004-05) could be due to reduction in general employment.
However, there is need for policy advocacy on properly defining child labour from a
child rights perspective in the official sources of data. Already many suggestions are
made towards improving the scope of defining child labour child labour by
academics. At the same time efforts to make education compulsory up to secondary
level will go a long way in addressing the issue of older children who complete their
elementary education but unable to access high school education.
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