बुधवार, 24 अगस्त 2011

Girl Child Labour and Education




Girl Child Labour and Education


Background

Girls do enormous work at home and at the fields. They carry water fetch by fetch, collect fuel wood, cook, clean, wash, take care of siblings and act like little mothers. They also work relentlessly, in all seasons, as agricultural labourers. Several hundreds of girls also work in stone and lime quarries in this area. They carry head loads of earth and rubble from the pits at least fifty feet down the risky, narrow stairways. At the end of the day these tired girls just collapse with body aches and pains about which they cannot even complain.
In a survey conducted by the MV Foundation of the families of girl children engaged as farm labourers in cotton seed farms, it was found that while girls worked 29.4 days in a month on wage work, the women worked 22.2 days and the men 18.6 days. Further the contribution of the girl to the family income was 28.7%, of the women 28.3% and of the men 42.8% during that month. It has also been found that the girls are being engaged in new forms of exploitative relationship vis-à-vis the employers. Thus for instance in a conventional situation girls in the area always worked on a daily wage basis as agricultural labourers. They seldom worked as bonded labourers against an advance taken by the family. It was usually the boys who were pledged against a loan taken as bonded labourers. However it is now quite common to see girls working to clear off the advance taken by the parents. This practice is growing, especially in areas of intensive commercial crops such as cotton, oilseeds, seed farms and so on. There is a growing demand for girl children. Indeed, the decision to take up a venture on farming is made only if there is an assured supply of girls in place. The entrepreneurs even go to the schools to cajole them to join as workers. The employers have also designed various methods of interaction with the girls and their families which ensure that there is a guaranteed supply of labour. To tie the girls to the employers they are given incentives and gifts for good production and performance. They are shown videos of popular movies near the work place, taken to the cinema theatre once every month. They have also ensured that the girls worked on their farms by circulating a myth that the farms cotton seed grow well only if touched by girl children especially those who have not attained their puberty. There does not seem to be any break to the dependence of the family and the employers as well on these girls.It is in this situation that the MV Foundation has attempted to intervene. It was clear that an atmosphere had to be built to make it possible for the girls to abandon work and join into schools. Parents too had to be given confidence that they were taking the right decision in sending their daughters to schools. An assurance had to be given that their children would be given all the attention and care. More important the message that the one and only alternative to the drudgery and discrimination of girls is through education had to be made explicit. To elaborate, the education of girls through attendance in full time schools is crucial to liberate the girls from their daily chores. Education is an intrinsic value in itself needing no further justification. Yet in the case of girl children the spin off effects it has on their lives is immense. It enables them cope with the problem of gender discrimination. It extends the age of their marriage. They no longer would be child brides. They are better nourished and healthy as they no longer work. In fact they become better equipped to deal with adverse situations. Schooling also provides a break in the habits and culture which stultifies the growth of the girl child. It opens up options and possibilities new dreams and a newer future.
There are several interventions - such as training in health, awareness about reproductive health care, critique of patriarchal values and gender discrimination - being suggested for bettering the conditions of girl children. It is argued here that these programmes would make better impact if girls accessed education and were literate. More than anything schools provide leisure, time and space of their own. Thus when in school they are no longer exploited. They no longer have to work for others. They are discovering themselves and their potentialities. They acquire self esteem and confidence. This is their first step towards gender equality and breakdown of stereotypes. This is the beginning of their role as individuals in their own right.


Parents and girl children

When the MVF started it's motivation drive it had to contend with a volley of questions from the parents. For instance they asked, why should girls go to school? They will get married and go away to the in-laws house in any case. Is it not better that they are taught to cook and do the work at home and in the fields. If they get education then we will have to spend more on her marriage and dowry. Who is going to bear all these expenses? She will have scant respect for her elders. All these apprehensions were clarified by using examples of girl children in the villages who are in schools. The stories of girls who have passed out of schools and their status in the family and society was also discussed. The parents were also provoked to think about their own deprivations since they had never been to schools. They were impressed by the stubbornness of the youth volunteers who relentlessly pursued them. It is rare that they are treated with respect and talked to as equals. On more than one occasion the parents found the commitment and seriousness of the volunteers so compelling that they agreed to send their daughters to school, withdrawing them from work. In fact it was during these motivation drives one found out that many of the parents indeed had an innate desire for sending their daughters as well to schools. They did not do so because there was lack of atmosphere enabling them to take this vital decision. They needed the assurance that they were right in desiring that their daughters had to go to school. Thus if they had not sent their girls to school it was more a matter of habit and social pressure than their unwillingness to send their children to school.


Community support for girl children

In every village a door to door survey was conducted to identify the girl children out of schools. The survey was not just for data collection. It enabled discussion with each and every family on the need to send their daughters to school. The survey concluded in a public meeting which focused on the predicament of the girl child and the commitment of the village and its establishment to ease them work. There were also street plays in the villages on the theme of girls and their early marriage, schools etc. There were campaigns and rallies too on the issue. The entire programme helped in building an atmosphere for the community to discuss and see the possibilities of liberating them from work. Even as such a campaign was on it inspired several girls to meet the volunteers to help them cancel their engagements and also the marriages which were fixed. Some girls took courage to meet the volunteers discretely. They sought help for cancellation of an engagement ceremony or marriage. They narrated stories of how their friends lost their mind unable to cope with the in-laws and also sexual abuse of the spouses. Some of them even committed suicide. Thus sufficient pressure was built where girls needed support and even protection especially when they were in a mood to question and assert. It was soon realised that this agenda could not be of the MVF and it's volunteers alone. It required institutional support structures from the community. Thus in all the villages, committees were formed to protect the rights of the girl child. The committee had as its members elected representatives of the local bodies from the village, youth volunteers, representative from the local women's group and also the school headmaster. The committee took on the task of mobilising the parents and also hearing the appeals of girl children wanting to abandon work in favour of schooling. This has facilitated the process of creation of a social milieu, recognising the girl child and her needs. This is indeed still the very beginning of the long drawn out process of giving the girl her rightful place in the society.


Girl's own initiatives to join schools

As is well known it is not an easy task to contact the girls. They are so busy that to catch them while at leisure was itself impossible. The volunteers in every village had lists of all the potential candidates. They caught them on their route to the fields, or in the farms during lunch time. They were also contacted while they were tending to cattle, fetching water or fuel wood. They spoke to them when they were in groups and also while they were alone These children needed a lot of persuasion. Their sense of moral responsibility for their families was deeply ingrained. Their attachment to their mothers and concern for their well being in the eventuality of them not being around in times of need worried them a lot. The first step therefore was to bring them to a place which they could call their own where they could interact with peer their group and gain confidence. Thus motivation centres were set up in every village. It was through these centres that they interacted with one another, negotiated for more free time and longer hours away from home and the work place. They discovered the luxury of being among friends for achieving the purpose of joining schools. Some of these girls had leadership qualities and became crucial opinion makers. They did tremendous work in meeting parents, arguing with them and convincing their own friends to abandon work. Swaying these girls on to the agenda meant winning over at least ten more children at one go. The girls also gathered in large numbers for two to three days camp away from their own village. These 'melas' helped in the girls attaining a sense of solidarity. It became clear to them that they were not alone in their aspirations for going to school. When they returned home after these camps they gained courage to persuade their parents to allow them to study. Not all parents relented automatically. The girls had to protest using the weapons they had. Thus they sulked, wept, stopped talking, refused to eat till the parents agreed to let them go. Some girls even escaped the pressure at home and joined the MVF bridge course residential programmes without their parents support. Even such parents sooner than later changed their minds once they saw the world of difference it made to the girls. They were touched by the transformation of their daughters from workers to students. They were so convinced about the efficacy of the programme that they brought gifts and new set of clothes for them.
A word about the bridge course. The bridge course is for a period of three to twelve months. It prepares the girls as students to go into classes corresponding to their age. During the course they are given the confidence that they too can study, enjoy the world of books and at the same time acquire the discipline of learning. It also prepares the parents for parenthood and play the role of modern parents. In the meantime it orients the schools to welcome these children as very special persons.


Officials and the programme of girl child education

In the process of mobilising girls the MV Foundation found out that several departments could be accessed to the benefit of girl children. Thus for instance the police department intervened to stop early child marriages. The labour officials conducted enquiries in the villages when claims for back wages were made on behalf of the children. These claims were made more to harass the employer rather than to see that the girls had better conditions of work. Furthermore these petitions were made by the elected representatives of the local bodies. In doing so it helped in gaining their acceptance to the agenda of girls right to education. The revenue department was activated to go into the cases of children engaged as bonded labourers and release them from bondage. The health department and the doctors were approached to treat girls who were abused. The women and child welfare department too could be enlisted to run similar bridge course camps for girl children and bringing the issue of the right of the girl child into their purview. Since some of the girls had to eventually join the hostels set up by the social welfare department it was felt necessary to build community pressure for the effective functioning of the hostels.
Most important were the school teachers who participated in the campaign and implored the parents to send their girls to schools. They were guaranteed by them that they would be well looked after and not insulted. In effect it became evident that a co-ordinated effort of all the departments on the issue of girl child could bring about effective results. 
Class in bridge course, preparing girls for primary education
(photograph: Gaby van der Mee)



Conclusion

The MV Foundation has so far been able to withdraw over 5000 girl children from work in all these five years. This summer alone more than 1000 girls rushed to the bridge course camps. Parents have shown remarkable resilience into accepting their girls in school. They had to make several adjustments but are willing to do so. They aspire for the unfamiliar and hope for a future for their girl children which they themselves were denied. The most important factor to make this possible is the conviction that girls even those belonging to the poorest families deserve schooling and education. It is also the faith in the immense capacities of the parents to try an alternative if given with seriousness. The girls themselves are pathfinders shattering the age old arguments denying them their basic human rights. It has given confidence to all of us that it is possible and necessary to provide them a space which they can call their own. And this space is their school. A space that is secular transcending all parochial values and sentiments reminding them of basic humanistic values. Their acts of courage and determination are the seeds sown for the well being of future generation of girls.

Shantha Sinha

chairperson MV Foundation
April 1998





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India Committee of the Netherlands - October 1, 1999

Child laborers – The Cheap Commodity of India



 
Child Labor
Child laborers – The Cheap Commodity of India
Shiva, an eight-year old orphan was reported dead on June 29, 1993, after he was caught escaping and then beaten and scorched to death by his employer.
In another incident, 446 children were rescued from over 200 zari shops in the glamorous city of Mumbai, while 25 children were rescued from an ill-lit small room converted into a zari factory in the national capital, New Delhi.
The 1991 Census carried out by Government of India states that there are 11.28 million working children under the age of fourteen years in India. Advocacy groups suggest the real figure could be as high as 60 million.
With figures from varied sources giving verdict, India is known to have the largest number of working children in the world. A research carried out by Save the Children, shows that 74 percent of child domestic workers in India are between the ages of 12 and 16, most of them working at measly wages.
          Toiling in the heat of stone quarries, working in the fields for long hours, picking rags in city streets or stashed away as domestic servants, these children are sentenced to a life of misery, suffering and horrors.
In most of the Indian industries, girls are recognized as unrecognized laborers because they are seen as Help & Supporters and not workers. Hence, this section remains almost totally unprotected by law.
 
The Background
Welfare organizations define a child laborer as a child who has to work everyday, sometimes for more than 14 hours a day and is not paid as per norms.
          The International Labor Office reports that children work the longest hours and are the worst paid of all laborers.

The Child Labor Act of India prohibits employment of children less than 14 years of age in 13 occupations and 57 processes. The law also lays down penalties for employment of children in violation of the provisions of this Act and regulates the employment of children with respect to working hours, number of holidays, health and safety in workplace.

Nevertheless, the menace continues to grow unbridled. No doubt, the industries and the families of such children share the blame, but the onus lies first on the lawmakers and watch-guards of our society and nation.
Child labor presents itself in a series of forms of labor involving children. These include:
  • Domestic servants
  • Forced and bonded labor
  • Commercial sexual exploitation
  • Industrial and plantation work
  • Street work
  • House hold work
Experts point out towards the following as being the root cause of the rampant child labor scenario in India:
  • Poverty
  • Family debt
  • Administrative attitude
  • Easier and cheaper availability of child laborers
  • Social mindset
In a prominent uproar, the National Human Rights Commission also (NHRC) issued notices to the Delhi government over reports of continuing instances of child labor in the Capital despite the ban.
 
 

Declining Child Sex Ratio


 
Declining Child Sex Ratio
The term ‘epidemic’ has a new meaning in India. In a country where a selective ‘human breeding’ is rampant, figures throw up some of the most startling trends in history.
India represents one of the most adverse Child Sex Ratio (CSR) figures amongst the Southeast Asian countries, reflecting a highly undesirable reversal of the norms of nature.
 
 
Female Foeticide
“Invest only Rs. 600 now and save your precious Rs. 50,000 later…”
-Catchline issued by one of the flourishing clinics dealing with sex determination. 
The 2001 Census conducted by Government of India, showed a sharp decline in the child sex ratio in 80% districts of India.

India, in all its glory of being an IT superpower and one of the fastest developing countries, tragically represents the lowest child sex ratio in the world.

Systematic gender discrimination in India is reported to have claimed up to a whopping 50 million female lives. The Census Report of 2001 reveals a highly skewed child sex ratio (0-6 year-olds), that fell from 945 females per 1,000 males in 1991 to an all-time low of 927 in 2001. The ratio even dropped further to 800:1,000 in some specific parts of the country.

Additional data from the India’s birth and death registration service indicates that the figures have further fallen to fewer than 900 females per 1,000 men over the last few years.
 
 
 
The Background
Atrocities against women in various forms have been an integral part of the civilization since ages. However, India has unabashedly been home to some of the most barbaric acts against this ‘gentler’ breed of humanity, starting from dowry deaths and sati, going up to female infanticide and female foeticide.
Technology facilitates a series of pre-natal diagnostic tools to identify and cure any potential birth defects and associated conditions. In a gross misuse of the scientific tools, female fetuses are selectively aborted after such pre-natal sex determination, in spite of a massive influx of legal regulations banning the same.
Techniques such as Amniocentesis were introduced in 1975 to identify any genetic abnormalities. Sadly, these soon became a tool for sex determination and proved to be a call of death for the tiny unborn female fetuses.

What is most alarming is that the CSR is far more skewed in the ‘Bermuda Triangle’, which includes the land-rich and affluent states of Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh. The national capital, New Delhi, is also known to be on top of the list.

As per the latest government data available pertaining to births, the CSR in Punjab stood at a mere 775 females per 1000 males. Shockingly, a recent survey of 10 villages around Chandigarh (that fall within 29 km radius of the city), revealed that the number of boys outnumbered girls in every village.

Reports indicate that more than 12,000 sex determination tests were carried out across the scores of private clinics in 1997 in Delhi alone. In fact, the steep rise in sex crimes in Delhi has also been attributed to the unequal sex ratio. In the same year, 105 female infants had been reportedly killed every month in Dharmapuri district of Tamil Nadu.


The apathetic attitude of the administration coupled with inefficient legislative implementation further adds to the woes of the girl child in India, facing elimination and discrimination in their very right to live.
 

Child marriage is a gross violation of all categories of child rights.”


 
Child marriages
“Child marriage is a gross violation of all categories of child rights.”

A report by the UNICEF revealed that 82 percent of girls in Rajasthan are married before they are 18, 15 percent of girls in rural areas across the country are married before 13 and a major 52 percent of girls have their first pregnancy between 15 and 19.       
         
By the Indian law, it is illegal to allow or facilitate marriage of a boy under 21 and a girl under 18. Amongst all the states in India, it is Rajasthan that tops the list with the average age of a girl at marriage being 16.6 years, closely followed by Bihar (17.2 years) and Madhya Pradesh (17 years).
          Defying the law right in the eye, hundreds of children tied the knot in Rajgarh, 65 miles northwest of Bhopal in May 2005. According to sources, hundreds of children, some even as young as seven years old were married over a period of one week.
As if to mock at the law, the ceremonies were held at the same time as the ‘Akkha Teej’, a summer festival believed to auspicious for weddings. Meanwhile all the officials could do was to record the names of the children being married.
Despite the existence of legislation banning child marriage since 1929, the practice continues to be a social reality in the present India.     
 
Causes and Consequences
Laments Girija Mewada, a police constable posted at a Hindu temple in Rajgarh, “The law to stop child marriage is not powerful enough.”  In fact, a recent survey revealed that there were never more than 89 attempted prosecutions across India in any one year pertaining to child marriages.

Experts point towards the weak norms of law. The police do not have the authority to arrest anyone about to take part in a marriage, and the bureaucracy involved is so complicated, that most weddings are already materialized by the time papers are ready.
Willingness of the girl’s family to pass on the ‘burden’ of a daughter’s expenses and hope of early adaptation to the in-laws’ house adds on to the gruesome list of causes.
In India, one woman is reported to have died every seven minutes from a pregnancy-related cause, with the situation getting further aggravated by early marriage.
A recent survey revealed that 56% of adolescent girls in India in the age group 15-19 years are anemic. Child support agencies present the following as the dire set of consequences:
  • Child’s education is sacrificed
  • Girls become more vulnerable to domestic violence
  • Early pregnancies weaken the mother
  • Babies born to girls under 17 are 60 percent more likely to die in their first year of life
Conclusion
“Nobody should expect the evil of child marriage to be eradicated overnight or just by launching an awareness drive”, states Archana Chitnis, State Minister for Women and Child Development.
According to Renuka Chowdhury, Minister for Women and Children, the Prohibition of Child Marriage Bill, passed in 2006, is likely to provide protection to scores of children forced into marriage every year.
One surely wonders what is it that is likely to wake up the authorities to some real, constructive and result-oriented action.
A set of even more startling research reports and studies, coupled with a genuine outcry from the child welfare organizations and the public perhaps!